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S. Michael Gaddis
Jan15

Education and the Meritocracy Myth: Mitt Romney’s Mistake

by S. Michael Gaddis on January 15th, 2012 at 12:56 pm
Posted In: Higher Education, Inequality, Social Class

Without a doubt, the dominant belief regarding individual success in this country has long been that those who are smart, get a good education, and work hard will be successful. Often overlooked is the importance of inequality within the opportunity structure that favors certain groups. I don’t deny that there are success stories from people of all social backgrounds. Nor is my intention to suggest that wealthy white heterosexual men are not smart and did not work hard for what they have. The key is that there are hurdles in our society that are quite large and sometimes impossible to leap over for some, but small or non-existent for others. In other words, some people have nearly impossible odds to enter the vaulted 1% while others have nearly impossible odds not to enter into or remain in that elite category.

Last week, Mitt Romney suggested that the recently raised profile of income inequality is “about envy” and “class warfare.” Regardless of party affiliations, these statements must assault your intelligence if you have any knowledge about the structure of the education system in our country. The idea that the U.S. is a full-blown meritocracy is at the center of Mr. Romney’s comments and the debate over income inequality as a whole.

Let’s take a few moments to review some facts about Mitt Romney’s youth. His father was a wealthy and well-connected man: CEO at American Motors Company (AMC), Governor of Michigan, a presidential candidate, and eventually a member of Richard Nixon’s cabinet. Meanwhile, Mitt Romney was able to attend a private prep school, which in the present day has an endowment that rivals smaller state schools and is nearly one-quarter the size of the endowment for the entire University of Alabama system. From there, he attended Stanford and BYU for undergraduate and a joint law and business professional program at Harvard. Mitt Romney was clearly blessed with an elite and expensive education.

But is it realistic to think that he got there solely on intelligence and hard work? Or do issues of differential opportunities by social class contribute to Mr. Romney’s success story?

First, the issue of private prep schools. A number of scholars have documented the upper class pipeline of elite prep schools, such as the one Romney attended. Research suggests that these schools have an extraordinary track record of graduates’ eventual placement in elite positions of power. It’s no surprise that 3 of our last 4 presidents attended one of these schools. Although these schools have offered more scholarships in recent decades to increase social class diversity, the overwhelming majority still come from privileged social backgrounds.

Additionally, research shows that there are massive disparities in who goes to the most elite universities. If intelligence and merit were randomly distributed across the social class spectrum and the U.S. were a true meritocracy, we would expect that 25% of students enrolled at the most elite universities would come from the top 25% of the income distribution, just as 25% would come from the bottom 25% of the income distribution. However, the truth is that data from the past two decades suggest that nearly 80% of the students enrolled in elite universities like Stanford, Harvard, and Yale come from the top 25% of the income distribution. Only 5% of students come from the bottom 50% of the income distribution at these schools.

The most unfortunate part of this “meritocratic” process is that the advantages and disadvantages afforded to individuals through the system are compounded over time, both within and across generations. Let’s consider a hypothetical correlate to Mitt Romney named John Smith. John is just as intelligent and hard working as Mitt but his father was not a CEO, governor, presidential candidate, or cabinet member. John’s family can’t afford an elite prep school and the scholarship slots are so few and the applicants so many that he misses the cut based on statistical probability and luck rather than merit. Thus, as opportunities close for John at the high school level, such as attending an underfunded high school instead of an elite prep school, the opportunities at higher education levels slip further out of his reach. Although John goes on to obtain a community college degree, works hard for his family, and hopes for a better life for his children, how can the children of John Smith compete with the children of the Mitt Romneys of our society? From the second these children are born into their respective families, their opportunity structures are completely different. How do merit and envy explain that?

 

To read more on education and meritocracy, check out:

 

Bills, David B. 2004. The Sociology of Education and Work. Malden, MA: Blackwell.

Cookson, Peter W., and Caroline Hodges Persell. 1985. Preparing for Power: America’s Elite Boarding Schools. New York, NY: Basic Books.

Domhoff, G. William. 1967. Who Rules America? Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice-Hall.

Kham, Shamus Rahman. 2010. Privilege: The Making of an Adolescent Elite at St. Paul’s School. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press.

McDonough, Patricia M. 1997. Choosing Colleges: How Social Class and Schools Structure Opportunity. State University of New York Press.

Soares, Joseph A. 2007. The Power of Privilege: Yale and America’s Elite Colleges. Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press.

Stevens, Mitchell L. 2009. Creating a Class: College Admissions and the Education of Elites. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press.

4 Comments
S. Michael Gaddis
Nov10

Wake County Gets a New Assignment Plan…and a New School Board

by S. Michael Gaddis on November 10th, 2011 at 7:14 pm
Posted In: Inequality, Integration, Policy, Wake County

The Wake County school district, located in Raleigh, North Carolina, has received national attention since the 2009 election brought in a new school board and with them the promise of eliminating the district’s contentious economic integration plan. (For more background on this issue, see my Everyday Sociology blog entry.) Since the Republican-led school board’s announcement to drop the assignment plan in favor for a more extensive school choice system, a number of critics have weighed in: the NAACP filed a complaint with the Department of Justice, Secretary of Education Arne Duncan expressed concern and dismay over the announcement, and even Stephen Colbert scrutinized the situation.

In October, the Wake County Board of Education passed a new assignment plan while an election landed the school board at a 4-4 Republican/Democrat gridlock with the final seat set for a November runoff. On Tuesday, Kevin Hill won the runoff and gave the Democrats a 5-4 majority on the board. If you’re still not convinced that this debate has national implications, consider that some reports suggest that as much as $500,000 was spent on a local election which garnered 20,412 votes. Although I believe the economic integration plan served an important role both locally for student achievement and development and nationally as a model of alternative integration plans in a post-PICS-decision world, Wake County is unlikely to move too far back in that direction even with the new school board.

Today, I spoke to Dr. Karolyn Tyson’s freshman seminar on Equality of Educational Opportunity. Many of the students come from Wake County and have personal experience with the school system. Out of curiosity about the new system, we entered their street addresses in the new Wake County Student Assignment Plan website to see what choice of schools their neighbors and siblings might have next year. Unfortunately, it seems that the plan is unlikely to accomplish much. Choice options are limited and transportation is not always available. Thus, if parents are unable to drive their children to school everyday, their options are limited further. If students live in areas of concentrated segregation, their choices are at best marginally better than their assigned school. Moreover, the website is unclear about just how many students a school can accommodate if lots of parents choose an option other than their assigned school. Dr Tyson’s students expressed disappointment over the potential upside to the new assignment system and I have to agree with them. (You can view their comments about the merits of an economic integration school assignment system back at the original Everyday Sociology blog entry.)

We will have to wait to see how the new school board does with the situation they have inherited. Although I do not have high hopes for the new plan, I think the board may get on the fast track to exploring other options. Perhaps they might even return to one suggested earlier this summer: achievement integration. That is, mixing schools on the basis of achievement to ideally have no underperforming schools. Once we settle this debate over between-school segregation then maybe we can turn our attention to within-school segregation…

2 Comments
S. Michael Gaddis
Oct11

A Bridge Between NCLB and Re-authorizing ESEA: Grading the NCLB Waiver System

by S. Michael Gaddis on October 11th, 2011 at 5:39 pm
Posted In: ESEA Reauthorization, Inequality, NCLB, Policy

In the past few weeks we have seen a flurry of news about No Child Left Behind (NCLB) and the re-authorization of the Elementary and Secondary Education Act (ESEA). With ESEA re-authorization still slowly moving forward, the most pertinent issue has been the Obama administration’s waiver package. This will allow states to obtain waivers for the 2014 judgment day deadline that requires all students to be “proficient” in math and reading. This deadline undoubtedly already seemed illogical and misguided to anyone inside or outside the education field. It also encouraged the lowest possible definition of “proficient”. The waiver allows states to reset the targets under options that do not require a future judgment day deadline (although states can choose an option for a 2020 deadline). It also appears that a similar deadline will not be included in the Senate’s re-authorization draft likely to be released soon.

The waiver application essentially requires states to come up with a plan addressing three principle areas: (1) college- and career-ready standards for all students, (2) accountability and support for schools with the lowest performance (the bottom 15%), and (3) a teacher and principal evaluation system. Similar to the Race to the Top application, it appears that states get a good deal of flexibility in how they can address these issues, although (also like RTT) the review guidelines suggest that the judges will be looking for specific routes of implementation. In other words, do what you want as long as it’s how we want you to do it.

How this waiver system might transition into a re-authorization of ESEA remains unclear. Secretary of Education Arne Duncan has already indicated that the administration hopes that all states will qualify for waivers prior to the 2014 judgment day deadline. Early draft proposals suggest these waivers may provide a seamless transition.  On the other hand, the already drawn-out process and the responses of representative from both sides indicate that Congress may have a long way to go before reaching a bill that passes. That seems to leave a lot of uncertainty about the long-term value and viability of any state’s waiver plan.

I am curious how much these three areas are likely to affect educational inequalities and improve education for all students. Let’s examine point-by-point what the waiver system (and potentially the re-authorization of ESEA) is likely to change about NCLB:

1. College- and career-ready expectations for all students.

  • The waiver system still only requires states to focus on math and reading. Although there is some language about how to judge states that choose to focus on other subjects also, there seems to be no clear incentive for doing so. This is particularly strange, considering how much the document discusses getting all students prepared for postsecondary education (colleges only care about math and reading?). Coupled with the other points regarding increased rigor, it seems that curriculum narrowing (other subjects losing instruction time due to the focus on math and reading) is a more likely possibility under this system. Grade: Fail.
  • States that have a clear focus on teacher professional development, support, and instructional materials will be favored to obtain a waiver. Although I have doubts about the level of detail states will delve into when writing up this plan, let alone the success of implementation, this is definitely a plus. Grade: Pass.
  • States are encouraged to increase the rigor of their standards in math and reading. Paradoxically, the annual measurable objective (AMO) targets have to be set at at least at the level of proficiency in 2010-2011 (presumably to avoid states resetting them too low). If rigor goes up, reaching the same AMO target will be difficult. Moreover, changing standards seems to have unintended and arguably negative consequences for some students (based on some preliminary research Doug Lauen and I are currently working on). There’s a lot of moving parts occurring simultaneously here, which is never a good way of figuring out what works and what doesn’t. Grade: Mixed.
  • It seems that this system is shifting from levels (yearly thresholds for students) to growth targets (year to year changes for students), although it’s not clear to me that this is a requirement for all aspects of the system. I believe any measure of performance has problems, but I think this is a very good change. This could possibly attenuate the educational triage (focusing on students most likely to hit a target and ignoring those far away from a target) problem. Grade: Pass.

2. Recognition, accountability, and support

  • Subgroup accountability will stay under the waiver system, although there are some rumblings about dropping this in the ESEA renewal. Grade: Pass.
  • The system encourages recognizing and rewarding the highest performing schools. This is a slight shift from NCLB. I think we could do better by recognizing and rewarding schools that take the biggest steps in reducing achievement gaps as well. Grade: Pass.
  • There are some slightly ambiguous guidelines for priority schools (lowest 5%) and focus schools (next 10% above priority schools). Some of the intentions are good – review principal and teacher performance, fire ineffective teachers, prevent ineffective ones from transferring in to these schools, use data to improve instruction – albeit somewhat misguided (e.g. how will schools find effective teachers if they are even able to fire ineffective ones?). Others seem too vague – strengthen instructional program, work to engage family and community. Moreover, why focus on only the bottom 15% of schools? Many states almost certainly need interventions in all schools. Grade: Mixed.

3. Teacher and principal evaluation system

  • As I mentioned above, the guidelines focus on a growth system. This applies to teacher evaluations as well.
  • Teacher evaluation systems will rely on multiple measures, potentially including classroom observations, portfolios, and student and parent surveys. I would argue multiple measures are critical to implementing an effective teacher performance system that avoids cheating and other ways of gaming the system. Grade: Pass.
  • Districts and administrators will evaluate and provide feedback to teachers on a regular basis. Grade: Pass.

On paper this system looks to be a reasonable improvement. I’m not so confident about it in practice.

3 Comments
S. Michael Gaddis
Sep03

A Failure of Higher Education

by S. Michael Gaddis on September 3rd, 2011 at 3:34 pm
Posted In: Higher Education, Horizontal Stratification, Inequality, Labor Market

Studying education is a strange but rewarding process full of conflict, frustration, and hope. Although my own research focuses mostly on what occurs during primary and secondary education, my position as an educator at the postsecondary level sometimes leads me into a circular world where research informs teaching informs research, ad infinitum. I wonder how my teaching experiences differ from some of my peers since I am deep into the rabbit hole with thoughts of the inequalities my students bring with them into my classroom. Although I design my courses and syllabi with the goal of inspiring critical views of the social world – something I believe my students will use and value outside of their short time in academia – I can’t help but feel frustrated when I can’t help a student reach this goal.

I hope that very few individuals in our society would argue against critical thinking as a worthy goal of higher education. Regardless, data from the recently published book Academically Adrift: Limited Learning on College Campuses suggest that universities are coming up well short of this goal. In this interesting new book exploring student learning in college, authors Richard Arum and Josipa Roksa make the case that both students and faculty are at least partially to blame for higher education’s current failure to promote critical thinking. Some of their findings suggest that the cultures of many universities seem to be oriented towards goals other than learning and teaching.

Arum and Roksa highlight some of the problems in higher education that I have encountered as both a student and a graduate student instructor. First, many students seek to devote the minimum amount of time necessary to academics to still earn mostly A’s and B’s. In their survey of student time use, the authors found that the average student spends 9% of their week attending class/lab, 7% of their week studying, and an alarming 51% of their week in social, recreation, and other activities.

(data from Arum and Roksa 2011, Figure 4.2, page 97)

College is certainly a time for young people to learn about themselves and to explore the social world around them, but this figure is still quite alarming. If students spend approximately 16% of a full week (168 hours) attending class and studying, that’s a total of almost 27 hours per week on direct educational activities. If we assume that students do none of this on the weekend, this translates to approximately 5.4 hours per weekday on educational activities. Yet, in the U.S. most primary and secondary public school students spend between 7-8 hours in class. On average, students spend much less time on education at the postsecondary level than they did at the primary and secondary levels.

Perhaps these data on time use are not all that surprising, so the real shock comes from the faculty side. A second major point from Arum and Roksa is that faculty members don’t push students to work very hard, particularly at schools deemed “selective” and “less selective” but arguably to some degree at those deemed “highly selective” as well (based on student body SAT scores). Less than 50% of students at both selective and less selective colleges said that they took at least one course in the previous semester that required them to write 20 or more pages during the course of the semester. That’s not a survey question about a single 20 page paper during the course of the semester, but rather a question about 20 pages of total writing. Additionally, around 60% of students at both selective (62%) and less selective (56%) colleges said that they took at least one course in the previous semester that required them to read more than 40 pages of reading per week. The numbers are more disheartening when they tabulate the percentages of students who met both course requirements (37% at selective and 31% at less selective colleges). Students at highly selective colleges report higher requirements (71% writing requirement, 92% reading requirement, 68% both). It should not be too surprising then that students do not learn critical thinking skills if they are not pushed to read and write about the subjects they study.

Arum and Roksa’s findings suggest much to be concerned about within the system of higher education. Influenced by my own dissertation research on horizontal stratification and college selectivity, I wonder how much these findings might impact the labor market prospects of college graduates. Researchers have focused debates on the idea of human capital and whether employers have a good sense of what students learn from their studies in various majors and universities. However, knowledge and skills gained from college are often hard to gauge and some researchers suggest that employers must rely on educational credentials as a proxy or vague signal that can be quite fuzzy and unreliable. This research uncovers some major disparities in the critical thinking skills and behavior of college graduates from the highest echelon of colleges compared to their peers from lower ranked schools. This is undoubtedly the start of a new line of critical research on college learning and future research may give us even better clues about the major differences in knowledge and experiences between graduates from different levels of college selectivity.

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  • Education and the Meritocracy Myth: Mitt Romney’s Mistake
  • Wake County Gets a New Assignment Plan…and a New School Board
  • A Bridge Between NCLB and Re-authorizing ESEA: Grading the NCLB Waiver System
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